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What’s next between Russia and the U.S?: Image

WHAT’S NEXT BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE U.S? 
ANALYZING THE RELATION BETWEEN THE NEW BIDEN ADMINISTRATION AND THE RUSSIAN RESPONSE

Analysis by Luis Santaella

Theodore Roosevelt once said: “Rhetoric is a poor substitute for action […]”. And we can agree how special the rhetoric applied by President Biden since the beginning of his administration has been. Let’s review the context. Former president Donald Trump was widely accused of Russian-friendly foreign policy, and it is true that Putin’s government had a break from hostilities during most of Trump’s administration. A relationship that had its worst moment during 2014 because of the Ukrainian referendum and the Syrian war, finally appeared to find calm and silence for certain moments. This was not without controversy, however, as sanctions on Russian oligarchs stopped, public statements were meaningless and less common, and the global pandemic seemed to distract the U.S from condemning an alleged intervention on electoral outcomes. 

Nevertheless, Biden’s triumph was based on the promise of going anti-Trump on foreign policy (Lake, 2021): the White house started investigations on the 2016 election, made loud statements on the support for Ukrainian sovereignty and reinforced its commitment to NATO, while Biden himself delivered multiple speeches pointing to Russia as a disruption to democracy (Mackinnon, 2021; U.S. Department of State, 2021). This is bad news for Russia since the intention of adding Ukraine and Georgia to NATO would mean an escalation of troop deployment near the Russian border, something that cannot be ignored (McFaul, 2021).


Russia’s Reaction

An eight-point draft was recently sent by the Russian Foreign Minister to the U.S concerning European securitization (Roth, 2021). This has been the most relevant response to Biden’s rhetoric against Russia, since so far, only brief statements and public responses by Putin were the response to the American hostility - for instance, when Biden criticized the arrestment of Navalny (main Russian political opposite) and Putin accused him of having double standards for not dealing with the Capitol incident in the first place (BBC, 2021).

Meanwhile, the list of demands includes the reduction of troops in Eastern Europe and the ban of an integration of Ukraine into NATO. Although this draft has been labeled as a good sign in the best cases, it is important to point out two factors:

1.    The draft, even though it was concerning security and militarization in Europe, was delivered to the U.S after an agreement on a video call between Putin and Biden to look for diplomatic solutions. However, Biden has threatened Russia publicly to avoid an intervention on Ukraine following the Donbass conflict.  This is important since the Russian reaction towards the U.S policy was very silent until this draft.

2.    Russia has claimed they are looking for legal guarantees of their own sovereignty. It’s important to analyze this as a chain of events. Although we remain neutral concerning military mobilization, we have to assume Russia sees Ukraine as a matter of homeland security, and its policies of trying to protect its borders could be hard to challenge, even with a direct threat made by its biggest political rival, namely, the US. Also, the sudden public reaction, after a period of abstention towards commenting on American Foreign Policy, could be seen as an accumulated saturation by the hostility of the Western speech against Russia.

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Agency Interests?

While Vladimir Putin seems to be interested in the discourse of Russian (border) security and Europe seems to look for unity in prevention of a military escalation, Biden’s interests can be tracked to political image (Mackinnon, 2021), both internationally and nationally. Biden has made a lot of statements concerning Russia but no concrete actions have been taken so far, besides the major threat released in November 2021. Before that, Biden had not achieved any improvement on public perceptions of him as an international leader, while NATO members seem to be worried about the lack of efficiency to pressure Russia and the channels used to find a compromise, since sometimes they seem either too violent or too weak (Quinn, 2021). Biden´s popularity has dropped quicker than expected and with the midterms approaching, it is natural to expect him to stand strong against any “political other” that his electorate can identify as an enemy to defeat. Putin seems to understand this; however, his concerns can be seen on the power-balance level. The digital militarization of Europe and the escalation of violence in the middle east are the things Russia worries about and that could in political terms threaten its stability. 

The Dragon in the Room

A lot has been said on the China-Russia-US affair. The relationship between China and Putin seems to be negatively proportional to the relationship with the U.S. Putin demonstrated strength both in diplomacy and military in June 2020, when hosting a parade celebrating V-Day with China and India as honorable guests (Higgins 2020). For the US, China has been public enemy №1 since the Trump administration, while China and Russia have found a coordinated response to western statements on their most heated issues: Taiwan and Ukraine, respectively. Although these are very different cases and countries react differently, the Western response to both has been very similar: sanctions, rhetoric condemning authoritarianism and military presence on key spots near the respective territories. 

China and Russia have teamed up on different issues, such as the Indian Ocean securitization, the response to the pandemic-related measures and the mutual support on their corresponding issues (Taiwan and Ukraine). The constant meetings between Putin and India’s Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, suggest a political alliance with a country that usually remains unaligned (Malhorta, 2021). We cannot be talking about a military alliance, yet, but rather the demonstration of Putin’s diplomatic ties with most of the East, which could lead to a backup on the international debate, given that China and Russia both have a veto right in the security council and India’s vote is heavily considered in every forum they participate in.


The Edge of the Seat?

Multiple opinions have been raised on how this moment of tensions could escalate, and the variety of opinions is so wide that some claim that a possibly new bipolar era with important armed conflicts evolved, while others say this is a mere response to the political momentum we live in and everything will be coldly solved. So far, we believe it’s important to analyse four major points concerning the future of US and Russia’s relations:

1.    The evolution in Biden's speech concerning the expansion of NATO and his consideration of Russia's position. 

2.    Russia’s actions on the borders, related to the current Ukrainian question with Donbass and the concrete support that Ukraine receives in case of higher tensions. 

3.    The possible China-India backup on Russia’s position concerning the demands delivered to NATO. 

4.    Last but not least, the actions taken by their respective blocks and allies in other issues, such as the Belarussian immigration problem, the Syrian war, current events in Afghanistan or the Taiwan quest. 

We believe 2022 will answer most of these questions and then we can concretely talk about the future of the relations between these two giants, especially after the midterm election in the U.S, when Biden will have to decide on a clear attitude towards Russia.


Bibliography

BBC. (2021). Putin sees 'double standard' in US capitol riot prosecutions. BBC News. Retrieved January 4, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-57366668 

Higgins, A. (2020). Hit hard by coronavirus, Russia holds a mostly mask-free victory parade. The New York Times. Retrieved January 4, 2022, from https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/24/world/europe/russia-coronavirus-parade.html 

Lake, E. (2021). Who’s Appeasing Putin Now? Bloomberg.com. Retrieved January 4, 2022, from https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2021-12-17/who-s-appeasing-putin-now-biden-policy-on-ukraine-shows-weakness 

Mackinnon, A. (2021). How the U.S.-Russia relationship got so bad. Foreign Policy. Retrieved January 4, 2022, from https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/06/18/russia-us-summit-biden-putin-relations/

Malhorta, J. (2021). Putin’s visit is a defining moment for India-Russia ties. It’s a telling message to China. The Print. Retrieved January 4, 2022, from https://theprint.in/opinion/global-print/putins-visit-is-a-defining-moment-for-india-russia-ties-its-a-telling-message-to-china/776831/ 

McFaul, M. (2021). How Biden should deal with Putin. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved January 4 2022, from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/russia-fsu/2021-06-14/how-biden-should-deal-putin 

Quinn, C. (2021). Why Biden's Russia talk makes NATO allies nervous. Foreign Policy. Retrieved January 4, 2022, from https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/12/10/biden-ukraine-nato-russia/ 

Roth, A. (2021). Russia issues list of demands it says must be met to lower tensions in Europe. The Guardian. Retrieved January 4, 2022, from https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/dec/17/russia-issues-list-demands-tensions-europe-ukraine-nato 

U.S. Department of State. (2021). U.S. relations with Russia - United States Department of State. U.S. Department of State. Retrieved January 4, 2022, from https://www.state.gov/u-s-relations-with-russia/ 

Picture sources: Istock, Pixabay

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