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A FROZEN CONFLICT TURNED HOT
Why does Russia consider the Arctic strategically, economically and historically significant, and should NATO be worried?
Snowflakes brush the sand off frozen dunes staggered around an empty sea. Icebergs scatter the landscape, they are testament to a place moved from our minds and melted from memory. Slowly, they accept their fate and cascade into lapis blue waters. The amber light of the sun breaks from the clouds, painting the waters a yellow hue. In this frozen paradise, there are other unwelcome guests seeking to brush colour over blank canvas of the Arctic shelf. Those colours are: White, Red and Blue. As the Arctic disappears day-by-day, a new geopolitical arena comes into focus, and Russia is determined to conquer it first. Yet as tensions become ever more heated over determining the future of the Arctic, the feeling of polarization between Russia and the West is becoming more entrenched.
With the eyes of the world turned on the horrific war instigated by President Putin, we are prone to viewing this ‘hot’ war between Russia and the West through the context of Ukraine. The cackle of gunfire and roar of shells draws our focus to the ongoing conflict, where the fate of freedom and democracy “hangs in the balance”. Yet the Russian adventure for the Arctic tells a greater story of cold-blooded competition between Russia and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and casts light on a much-overlooked era of Russian history.
Red Flag Under the North Pole
Russian fascination in the Arctic has consistently featured throughout much of the country’s history. The Arctic is steeped in Slavic history: the historic landing of King Rurik at Lagoda, where a magnanimous Norse ruler began to civilize the heathen folk of the east, is the birthplace of the Rus civilization. Tsar Peter I and Empress Catherine II’s Arctic expeditions capture the sense of Imperial competition woven into Russia’s narrative of Northern exploration, as it broke away from its past as an isolated power, and opened its doors to Europe.
Inextricable though the Arctic is to glorifying Russia’s past, it is also home to a much darker past. It was across the steppe of the Russian Arctic where many of Joseph Stalin’s infamous gulags dotted the country, imposing terror from Europe to Asia. When the Soviet Union forged an unlikely pact with Nazi Germany, it was ports such as the Basis Nord [1] that the Soviets provided to the Kriegsmarine (an episode Moscow would rather we forget as it continues to wage its war to “de-Nazify” Ukraine). Importantly though, there are two key chapters of Russian history which reveal why Russia considers involvement in the Arctic circle so important today.
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The first is the expedition launched under the cartographer and Captain Vitus Bering, who in 1733 oversaw the Great Northern Expedition [2] (Britannica). This moment in time is historically significant because it typified the relationship between exploration and glory. Not only had the expedition been sponsored by the Russian admiralty college [3] (Britannica), it had captured the attention of Russia’s ruler Peter I, just as it would with his successors. Since then, Russia interprets Arctic exploration as a national imperative, and in some cases conquest of the High North has been iconographic. This is palpable when we look at the decision to name the newly discovered Severnaya Zemlya archipelago “Nicholas II land” [4] (Britannica). It should be understood alongside the Kremlin’s calls for greater innovation and exploration of the Arctic, it has championed the unveiling of several nuclear-powered ice-breakers. With names such as the St Petersburg, emblazoned with the colours of the Russian flag [5], the pride President Vladimir Putin seeks to evoke could not be more obvious. As the Putin regime continues to finesse its cocktail of historical sensationalism, the history of Russia’s involvement in the Arctic does not need stirring. It already boasts a strong legacy of Arctic discovery.
The second historical chapter important to the Russian Federation’s drive for hegemony in the High North is the Soviet Union, and its engagement with the Arctic. The isolationism of the Soviet Union, alongside the ambitious technological drives and five-year plans synonymous with Stalinism, continue to greatly inspire the Kremlin to further exploit the Arctic. In so many ways, the Soviet regime renewed the sense of glory attached to the Romanov’s former Arctic exploits. For example, the Main Administration of the Northern Sea Route was officially created after the Soviet Union successfully navigated across the Northern Sea Route from Arkhangelsk all the way to the Bering Strait in the east in 1933 (Josephson, 2011) [6]. It was scientific curiosity of the Arctic that best characterized the Soviet Union’s attitude to the region, more so than historic notions of prestige and grandeur. The history of both the Russian and Soviet empires’ engagement with the Arctic has served to embolden the Kremlin to further exploit the region, as well as establish it as being of great economic value. The glory of Arctic exploration and exploitation of its natural resources was championed by the Stalinist regime. Alongside the various programs instigated by the central bureaucracy, they also enjoyed much coverage in the Soviet press [7]. It was at this point onwards that the patriotism attached to Arctic conquest intertwined with the scientific curiosity of the Bolsheviks. The endurance and scientific inquiry into the region paved the way for future Russian research in the Arctic. With the fall of Stalinism and its denouncement in 1956 under the leadership of Nikita Khrushchev, national interest in Arctic administration waned [8] (Josephson, 2011). However, the rejuvenation of Russia’s mission to invest in the region has meant that national fascination in the Arctic has been rekindled by the Kremlin, albeit with the invaluable help private companies and outlets provide to the country. When Russia planted its tricolour on the seabed of the North pole in 2007, it symbolised a victory for the new Federation, but rang hollow in the eyes of the former regime which had conquered the region long before.
All Roads Lead to Beijing
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The many sanctions mounting on Russia in the wake of its invasion of Ukraine have proved unable to cripple the country’s wartime economy. Despite this, Russia must re-orient herself and look for investment elsewhere in order to survive in the global economy. Although China and India are two obvious alternatives with massive economies of their own, Russia must search for new trade routes to use and capitalise from. The Arctic provides the best possible chance of growth and economic security in this regard. The Northern Sea Route (NSR) is the name of the maritime passage which Russia has established, and it is the important artery connecting ports in Russia to those in China. Though sub-zero temperatures make traversing this passage treacherous, and can be off-putting to some countries, it has a promising future as a trade route. For example, the volume of trade passing through the NSR has rocketed between the years 2014 and 2022, with an increase of around 755 per cent [9] (Economist, 2024). Whilst increased investment from Russia and China in the NSR has led to its greater use in recent years, it is climate change which is responsible for making the Arctic ready to accommodate international trade.
For the Kremlin, the NSR will rival the Suez Canal as a commercial shipping route, since it can reduce the voyage length from Europe to Asia by 4,000 nautical miles (McCann, 2023)[10]. Moreover, according to the World Economic Forum, the journey of trade from Europe to Asia via the NSR would last for only 18 days, giving it an extremely competitive edge against both the Suez and Panama canals. For all the security and cost guarantees that the Russian Federation may boast of the NSR, it is the changing climate which transforms the Arctic into a commercial reality. Most importantly, Russia has sole discretion over who gets to use this route, which has initiated an array of Western sanctions on companies that use the NSR [11] (Economist). It is likely this will ignite further tension between Russia and the West as the NSR is extremely lucrative for Russia’s economy and GDP. Importantly, it is owing to climate change that the accessibility of the NSR for commercial purposes is increasingly more promising, transforming a once geographic barrier into a viable trade route.
Following the recent wave of Houthi attacks on shipping in the Suez Canal the security of this maritime passageway falls into question [12] (Economist), whereas the NSR appears firmly within the grip of Russian control. The NSR therefore shows signs of being a potential threat to the West over the future of commercial shipping. Though sanctions once stymied Russian progress on major infrastructure works to improve and promote this trade route, such concerns have partially faded due to increased Chinese investment in the project. According to The Economist, China has invested over $90bn in both infrastructure and assets in the Arctic [13]. Although the ‘Polar Silk Road’ may be a threat to Russian domination of much of the Arctic, for now it helps keep Russia afloat, and provides Moscow with an alternative economic partnership to that of European countries. It is largely because of the NSR that Moscow’s interest in the Arctic has been rekindled, and this route makes the Russian need to keep the Arctic secure a greater strategic imperative than ever before.
The Depth of Russian Mistrust of NATO Runs Deep
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